The abortion battle goes to the heart of a democratic republic and highlights a dark side of human nature.
Abortion activists for nearly half a century have relied upon the Supreme Court to silence the opposition, coerce the country and block all efforts to stanch the bloodshed of 60 million innocents. Their tyrannical rage exploded after a leaked draft opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson signaled the overturning of the 1973 Roe v. Wade abortion decision, returning the issue to democratic debate and constitutional federalism.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Chuck
Schumer immediately invoked biblical language in a scathing statement:
"The Republican-appointed Justices’ reported votes to overturn Roe v.
Wade would go down as an abomination…."
The pro-abortion group Ruth Sent Us proclaimed,
"We’ll be burning the Eucharist to show our disgust for the abuse Catholic
Churches have condoned for centuries."
In Los Angeles, the AP reported violence against police patrolling a pro-abortion demonstration: "[D]emonstrators threw rocks and bottles at officers."
In Portland, Antifa reportedly
"destroyed property and started fires in Portland last night at their
pro-abortion direct action riot."
Just days after the draft opinion was leaked, Madison.com reported,
"Vandals set a fire inside the Madison headquarters of the anti-abortion
group Wisconsin Family Action."
Why such inflammatory rhetoric and violent protest from the left?
Because the Court will no longer enforce their agenda through coercion, instead
returning power to the people for democratic debate and decisions.
As Justice Samuel Alito wrote in the leaked first draft
of a majority opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson, "For the first 185 years
after the adoption of the Constitution, each State was permitted to address
this issue in accordance with the views of its citizens. Then, in 1973, this
Court decided Roe v. Wade. Even though the Constitution makes no mention
of abortion, the Court held that it confers a broad right to obtain one.
Alito lamented, "In the years prior to that decision, about
a third of the States had liberalized their laws, but Roe abruptly ended
that political process. It imposed the same highly restrictive regime on the
entire Nation, and it effectively struck down the abortion laws of every single
State. As Justice Byron White aptly put it in his dissent, the decision
represented the 'exercise of raw judicial power,' and it sparked a national
controversy that has embittered our political culture for a half-century."
The current Court appears poised to make a profound course
correction.
As Alito underscored in his draft, "It is time to heed the
Constitution and return the issue of abortion to the people's elected
representatives."
That prospect terrifies the left, which realizes that many of its
radical positions will never stand the test of free and open democratic debate.
In an outburst of risible irony, the perpetually apoplectic Senator
Elizabeth Warren protested,
"What I feel angry about is that an extremist Supreme Court is going to
impose their views on the rest of America."
Warren's words describe precisely what Roe has done for
the past half century. The current Court is returning the issue to the states
to end the Court's imposition of its views on the "rest of
America," who now will decide abortion by voting.
Many abortion activists have bought into the "self-empowerment"
propaganda that personal or professional advancement somehow requires a right to
kill unborn babies.
A leading pro-abortion activist protesting outside the Supreme
Court summed
up this prevalent view of abortion: "It is essential for
social, economic, and racial equality in this country. Simply put, abortion
bans are racist."
Yet the facts suggest exactly the opposite.
While black women number just 13 percent
of the U.S. population, the CDC reports that black
babies account for over a third (34 percent) of abortion deaths. Abortion thus disproportionately
decreases the black population, fulfilling the eugenic vision of Planned
Parenthood founder, the racist
Margaret Sanger.
Other abortion activists are convinced that the "radical religious
right" or simply men in general, are hell-bent on casting them into a Handmaid's
Tale dystopia. Yet while imagining conservative coercion, they endorse actual
liberal coercion, such as firing professors over biology-contradicting pronouns
or forcing Christian artists to create anti-Christian messages.
Still others see abortion as an essential weapon of autonomy and a
pillar of women's rights.
Vice President Kamala Harris warned
against "weaponizing the use of Roe v. Wade against women. The
rights of all Americans are at risk. This is the time to fight for women and
our country with everything we have."
Caroline Reilly of Rewire asserted,
"[W]e need to outright reject the idea that a governing body ever had the
right to tell us our bodies were their jurisdiction."
Ideology alone, however, cannot explain fully the intensity of
the anaphylactic reaction to the overturning of abortion on demand. Something
even deeper, in human nature, may help explain the depth of the rage.
A dark, self-destructive side of human nature whispers to us that
freedom means getting whatever we want, regardless of the cost to other human
beings. Driven toward radical autonomy, we neither contemplate nor care that a
society cannot survive such a ruthless ethic. Nor do we comprehend that radical
autonomy eventually will subject us to domination--by someone stronger
than we, at the very moment that our own autonomy conflicts with that person's
autonomy.
Joe Biden revealed his ignorance of this danger when he asserted
that "there's been a consensus among scholars and the American people on a
reading to the Constitution that protects the right of privacy, the autonomy of
individuals, while at the same time empowering the federal government to
protect the less powerful."
Biden made that statement in 2006, during a Senate hearing on the
Supreme Court nomination of Samuel Alito, author of the recently leaked draft
opinion in Dobbs.
Thankfully, Alito and other Constitution-hewing justices understand
the coercive consequences of radical autonomy. They also realize that the
government since Roe has failed to protect the least powerful of all
human beings.
A decision to overturn Roe will return to the people and
to the states the power to protect the unborn. The American people will
reengage in the democratic process as reason and debate replace judicial fiat
and coercion.
No political process, however, can transform the destructive selfishness of the human heart. Such transformation requires divine intervention.
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