Wednesday, January 25, 2012

Today's back-alley abortions


In her excellent op-ed, "Dead wrong," attorney Denise Burke traces the abortion industry's fight against laws that would subject abortion clinics to the same health standards required of similar surgical clinics.
Abortion advocates will soon celebrate the anniversary of the infamous 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision, which abrogated states' rights regarding abortion, and they will claim that the ruling ended dangerous "back-alley" abortions. In fact, Roe simply spread back-alley abortions nationwide, as politicians curried favor with political supporters like Planned Parenthood by exempting abortion clinics from reasonable government health oversight.
I recall listening to Norma McCorvey--whose now-regretted allegations as Jane Roe in the Supreme Court's Roe v Wade decision provided pro-abortion attorneys with a false pretense for their case--as she testified at a U.S. Senate hearing in 1998 about her experience working in abortion clinics.
Ms. McCorvey testified, "I saw procedure rooms where sanitation and hygiene were after-thoughts. I worked with a doctor who operated on women while he was barefoot. I've worked in the clinics where drug use was rampant among clinic workers."
As a result of the erroneous facts and flawed ruling in Roe, abortion may be legal, but it is hardly rare or safe. Over a million abortions a year are performed in the U.S. in largely unregulated clinics that can hide unsanitary conditions, unqualified practitioners and predatory practices with vulnerable women. Witness Philadelphia abortion doctor Kermit Gosnell's butchery, where live babies were killed with concentration camp inhumanity and women suffered and died in a filthy facility described as "a bad gas station restroom."
Abortion advocates commonly contend that health and safety regulation would shut down their clinics. What does that tell you about the level of safety women encounter in abortion clinics? Such tacit admissions should spur legislators to action to protect women. Otherwise any abortion clinic, shrouded in secrecy and protected by special interest lobbies, remains a "back alley clinic."

Sunday, January 22, 2012

Joe Paterno, judgment and grace


What are you supposed to think about a football coach who steered hundreds of young men, by their own testimonies, to a better life … and whose career abruptly ended following allegations of failing to protect young boys from a sexual predator?
My wife Amy (left) can't remember the joke, but Joe found it funny
I worked for Coach Joe Paterno as an academic athletic counselor while pursuing a master's degree at Penn State, where I had also attended as an undergraduate. I remember him asking me if the players I was responsible for were keeping in line, and I had told him I hoped so.
"You hope so?" he pressed. "You better make sure they are." That comment impressed on me the no-nonsense drive for excellence that Coach Paterno instilled in his teams.
I also remember--confession time--walking into his office as a young undergrad who had on the spur of the moment arranged for a player to hand off to me after practice one of the practice footballs I had coveted. As a new follower of Christ, I had to learn the hard way that you can't steal stuff.
So I walked into Coach Paterno's office one day, ball in hand, and said, "I stole this ball and got convicted about it. I came to ask forgiveness and to give it back."
"That's good to hear," the coach responded. "Here, let me see it," he said, and I handed him the ball. "Here--keep it," and he flipped it back to me.
Judgment suspended, grace extended. Lesson learned.
Sandusky with Hostetler family (PSU players Doug, Jeff and Ron in back)
I also remember Coach Jerry Sandusky, now accused of horrific and systematic sexual abuses of young boys. My roommate Ron Hostetler, played as a linebacker under Sandusky's tutelage and also captained the team. Sandusky seemed to everyone like a good guy, and the foundation he later started seemed an extension of his desire to help others. Both he and Paterno graciously let our small athletes' fellowship group meet weekly in the coaches' office, where guys like future NFL linebacker and now ESPN commentator Matt Millen learned to put first things first.
I had also, as a result of my roommate's harebrained idea that I should take up football for the first time as a field goal kicker for the nationally ranked Nittany Lions, agreed to try out for the team, by then in mid-season. I had never played football and had only fooled around kicking field goals off a tee. Nevertheless, under Coach Fran Ganter's watchful eye, I gamely booted a few extra point tries (wide right--my career ended before it ever began) with the help of a holder, Tom Bradley. Tom thankfully fared much better than I in football, and this past year, he took the reins of the team as head coach after Paterno's firing.
Despite these personal contacts with Paterno and the team, I never swallowed the myth either about the coach himself or the program he had created. He was just a man, flawed like the rest of us, and I knew enough about the players to know they were not saints, either. Friends who played on the team more than once had to endure Paterno's annoying, high-pitched critiques fired across the snowy practice field for all to hear. Some didn't always feel that Paterno upheld his own rules, such as when he played a disgruntled player apparently just to keep him from quitting instead of playing the player who had practiced best that week.
And yet to this day, despite the coach's obvious imperfections and failures, these same players and hundreds more will tell you that he changed their lives for the better.
So what are we supposed to think about such a man, considered at once so great and so tragically flawed?
First, neither ignorance of details nor referring the problem to others can suffice as reasons for failing to stop the abuse of children. When we see abuse, we simply must take whatever steps are needed to stop it. God help us to do so.
Having said that, I would suggest that before completely condemning this coach for his failures that we first think of our own. How have we failed others? How do we want our own lives to be judged?
It may be that the approach the coach took with this undergraduate thief might actually be a good way to think about Joe Paterno's life: Judgment suspended, grace extended.
"Do not judge so that you will not be judged. For in the way you judge, you will be judged; and by your standard of measure, it will be measured to you." --Matt 7:1-2
"Blessed are the merciful, for they shall receive mercy." --Matt 5:7

Saturday, January 21, 2012

Senators to fight Obama HHS contraception mandate


United States Senate


FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: January 20, 2012
Contact: Matthew Harakal 202-224-5251 (Hatch)
Nick Simpson 202-224-4796 (Johanns)


HATCH, JOHANNS PUSH BACK ON ADMINISTRATION DECISION ON BIRTH CONTROL INSURANCE RULE
Obama Administration Decision to Extend Window to Comply Ignores Constitutional Concerns

WASHINGTON – U.S. Sens. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) and Mike Johanns (R-Neb.) today pushed back on a decision made by the Obama Administration to mandate preventive services, including birth control and emergency contraception, for health insurance plans. In July 2011, the Institute of Medicine recommended several mandatory health services, as called for by the new health care law. This included a recommendation requiring all health care plans to provide controversial services, including contraceptives. Subsequently, Johanns and Hatch authored a letter, signed by 26 of their colleagues, to HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius outlining constitutional concerns regarding conscience protections.

“Today’s decision by the Obama Administration shows once again that in their mind, politics will always trump the Constitution,” Hatch said. “The problem is not that religious institutions do not have enough time to comply, it’s that they’re forced to comply at all. Unfortunately, this Administration has shown a complete lack of regard for our central constitutional commitment to religious liberty.”

“Forcing religious institutions to violate a cornerstone of their faith by providing contraceptives in their health care plans completely defies the Constitution,” said Johanns. “The President promised to uphold life and conscience protections in the health care law, but rather than live up to his word, he has regrettably chosen to punt on implementation of the controversial mandate until after the elections. I will do everything I can in the next year to ensure that the conscience rights of these churches, charities, hospitals and other religious organizations are protected.”

The full text of the letter sent to Secretary Sebelius in October is below:

October 5, 2011

The Honorable Kathleen Sebelius
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
200 Independence Avenue, SW
Washington, DC 20201
Dear Secretary Sebelius:
In July you received a letter urging you to consider carefully the economic and constitutional concerns associated with the Department of Health and Human Service’s (“Department”) implementation of the Institute of Medicine’s (“IOM”) recommendations for federally mandated preventive health service. Specifically, that letter urged you to take deliberate account of the threat that adoption of mandates regarding coverage of contraceptives, sterilization, and abortifacient drugs, poses for religious persons and institutions given our Constitution’s strong commitment to religious liberty and free exercise. Your response to that letter, justifying your hasty adoption of IOM’s recommendations, was deeply divisive and suggests a remarkable failure on the part of the Obama Administration to provide adequate protections for religious citizens and organizations.
The fact is — one confirmed in the comments that you have received both to the Interim Final Rules (IFRs) published on July 19, 2010 and the amendment to those IFRs published on August 1, 2011 — your adoption of IOM’s recommendations without amendment threatens the ability of many religious employers to continue to offer health coverage to their employees consistent with their beliefs. Moreover, it jeopardizes essential constitutional rights to religious liberty and personal conscience by forcing employees to subsidize coverage that violates their faith. Given the significance of your action and the inadequacy of your earlier response to these concerns, we write again to seek greater clarity on a number of matters regarding your Department’s analysis of this matter and its impact on core constitutional values.
First, in your response to the earlier Senate inquiry, you go to great lengths to place responsibility for your action on the determination of IOM. You note that HHS sought an “independent analysis” from IOM, and that IOM “has a long history of providing objective expert guidance to federal agencies.” IOM, in turn, relied on “independent physicians, nurses, scientists, and other experts” in making their recommendations regarding preventive services for women. Whatever the merits of your description of IOM’s objectivity, relying on IOM does not absolve you of your own obligation as a public servant, and a Senate-confirmed executive branch officer, to consider the ramifications that IOM’s recommendations would have on religious persons and institutions.
Second, your defense of the process that led to your adoption of IOM’s recommendations requires further explanation. Again, given the issues at stake, you had been asked to proceed cautiously and deliberately before adopting IOM’s recommendations regarding women’s preventive services. Instead, your Department chose to adopt those recommendations just weeks after their initial publication. The fact that you received feedback regarding preventive services for women following the publication of the IFR’s in July 2010 did not preclude you from having a more robust consideration of views on that matter following the amendment to the IFR’s on that subject in July 2011. The Administrative Procedures Act’s requirement that federal agencies use a transparent process of public notice and comment — is particularly important when it comes to issues that fundamentally affect individual liberties and human life. While we understand that the August 1, 2011 IFR was an amendment to the July 19, 2010 IFR, the IOM recommendations that formed the foundation of the August 2011 amendment were not even available for the public to comment on until days before HHS issued the amendment. In a democracy it is critical that citizens have an opportunity for full public comment before government agencies issue legally binding regulations, and we are extremely disappointed that you chose to deny the American people the opportunity to comment on the critical issues in this IFR. For an Administration that purports to support honest and open government, this is simply the latest broken promise in a dismal track record.
Furthermore, your description of the comments that you had received regarding women’s preventive services is so removed from our experience that it demands an explanation. You stated that “[m]ost commenters, including some religious organizations” supported inclusion of contraceptive services, while “[o]ther commenters expressed concerns that guidelines including coverage of contraceptive services could impinge upon the religious freedom of certain religious employers.” You seem to suggest that most religious persons had no concerns with any requirement that contraceptive services would be included, but this hardly squares with the public feedback that we are hearing from religious persons and institutions. For example, the Bishops of the Kansas Catholic Conference made their position clear in a letter to HHS last month concluding that the mandate is "profoundly deficient in terms of medical, moral, and constitutional good sense." They also state that the mandate "should be rescinded entirely and completely." This sentiment is shared by dozens of churches and religious institutions representing millions of citizens. Your conclusion that “many of the services are covered by most health plans” elides over the key concern about whether and why health plans by religious institutions and for religious persons do not in fact cover many of these services. It seems possible that your impression of the impact of this rule on religious freedom may be owing to a small sample size, since the opportunity for public comment on the IOM recommendations lasted less than two weeks.
We also have real concerns about your assertion that “[t]hese guidelines do not include abortifacient drugs.” The question of whether certain contraceptives act as abortifacients is a matter that has been subject to vigorous debate. Major religious denominations have come down squarely on the other side, arguing with significant evidence that drugs such as Plan B and Ella are abortion-inducing. Yet as FDA drugs designated for “emergency,” they will be included under the new “preventive services” mandate. It seems clear to us that first IOM, and then the Department, chose to listen to only one perspective in this debate — that of groups and individuals supporting abortion. The IOM recommendations became the product of intense lobbying by special interest groups, such as Planned Parenthood, that stand to gain financially from them. Given the controversy surrounding these IOM recommendations, and the process that led to them, your assertion that the IFRs do not require coverage of abortifacient drugs is lacking.
Ultimately, our concern is with the lack of due consideration given by you and your Department to the adverse impact that IOM’s recommendations would have on our core constitutional value of religious liberty. Though the IFRs’ “religious exemption” purports to protect religious organizations, health care professionals, and health care plans, it is clear that this protection falls well short of securing this constitutional right. The Department can state that these guidelines address the concerns of religious Americans, but the barrage of criticism leveled at the “religious exemption” by those who would be subject to this rule suggest that they fall far short of securing the essential constitutional guarantees of our First Amendment.
To address these concerns, we request that you redraft the Required Health Plan Coverage Guidelines for Women’s Preventive Services so that it is consistent with long-standing constitutional principles respectful of human life, individual liberties, and personal conscience. Additionally, we respectfully request that you provide us with the following information:
1) Any correspondence (including phone logs, emails, written notes, or electronic documents) generated with respect to the decision to include contraceptive services (including abortifacient drugs) as part of preventive services and whether that decision violated President Obama’s Executive Order 13535 where he stated that “longstanding Federal laws to protect conscience will remain intact” and his public statements that “federal conscience laws would remain in place under health reform.” This includes correspondence between HHS employees (including both career employees and political appointees and employees of the HHS Office of General Counsel), or between or among HHS, the Department of the Treasury, the Department of Labor, the Office of the White House Counsel, the Office of White House Political Affairs, and the Executive Office of the President.
2) Any analysis generated, requested, or obtained by HHS regarding the First Amendment implications of free exercise of religion with respect to the provisions of this regulation and existing federal conscience laws.
3) Any correspondence (including phone logs, emails, written notes, or electronic documents) generated with respect to the decision regarding the inclusion of abortifacient contraceptives as preventive services, including correspondence between HHS employees (including both career employees and political appointees and employees of the HHS Office of General Counsel), or between or among HHS, the Department of the Treasury, the Department of Labor, the Office of the White House Counsel, the Office of White House Political Affairs, and the Executive Office of the President.
4) Any analysis generated, requested, or obtained by HHS regarding the definition of religious employer.
5) The timeline anticipated for HRSA to issue more specific guidance to the public about which religious employers are exempt from the Guidelines regarding contraceptive services and an explanation of how HRSA will take into account the religious beliefs of certain religious employers.
6) Any analysis generated, requested or obtained by HHS regarding the impact of inclusion of the full scope of the IOM recommendations on the cost of the average person’s health insurance premiums.
We are deeply disappointed with the Department’s decision to issue these IFRs without adequate public comment or due consideration of the concerns of religious institutions and citizens. Your decision to do so not only undercuts our nation’s commitment to democracy and representative government, but the substance of your decision jeopardizes our nation’s longstanding commitment — enshrined in the First Amendment — to religious liberty and free exercise. As the Bishops of the Kansas Catholic Conference recently wrote, "[i]t was precisely against this sort of heavy-handed exercise of federal power that the First Amendment was written." We concur with this sentiment.
Thank you for your prompt attention to this matter, and we would appreciate a response to this letter before October 21, 2011.
# # #

Wednesday, January 18, 2012

Protect our children: Censorship is not a bad word


Regarding the rampant profanity, obscenity and violence assaulting children on network television, a USA Today editorial ("Calloff the FCC decency police") naively suggests "there are better ways to protect children than empowering government censors."
When it comes to protecting our children, most parents do not consider "censorship" a bad word. Parents cannot conceivably control every image and idea flashed from the public airwaves into our children's minds.
We the people own the airwaves. Agencies directed by our elected representatives govern how networks may use those public airwaves, enforcing standards that reflect consensus public and community values. Most parents don't want their six-year-old to see graphic sexual encounters or watch bloody severed heads bounce down steps.
Rather than stopping damaging TV content before it infiltrates our homes, USA Today would instead rely on often perplexing v-chip filtering technology. But v-chip technology is only installed in TVs with screens above 13 inches, leaving the smaller sets in many children's bedrooms unprotected.
Studies show that more than 75% of prime-time TV programs present sexual material.[1] Not surprisingly, research also reveals that teenagers with bedroom TVs are more likely to engage in sexual activity.[2]
We parents need every helping hand we can find to guide our children toward decency, civility and moral character. Let the FCC do its job of managing the people's airwaves to uphold the people's values.


[1] Sexuality, Contraception, and the Media, PEDIATRICS, Vol. 126 No. 3 at 576-77.
[2] Policy Statement, American Academy of Pediatrics, Sexuality, Contraception, and the Media, PEDIATRICS, Vol. 126, No. 3 (Sept. 2010) at 579.

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